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The recent demise of communism in the Soviet Union again brings the question of the relation between communism and Marxism to the forefront of political theory. Kautsky's essays shed new light on this controversial and timely subject. Karl Kautsky : Marxism, Revolution, and Democracy. John Hans Kautsky , Karl Kautsky. The Road to Power. To learn more about Copies Direct watch this short online video. Need help?

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Can I view this online? Ask a librarian. Members of Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and Maori communities are advised that this catalogue contains names and images of deceased people. Book , Online - Google Books. He was a product of the Institute of "Red Professors.

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This by itself could not be held against him: he was young. He entered politics after the revolution was made.


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The worst of it was that the chaotic havoc wrought in every field made it possible for him to make his way as a "Red Professor" with a minimum of theoretical resources. In other words, the revolution for him signified above all a career.

Kautsky, Karl

His ignorance particularly astonished me. In the annotations that he wrote, not only the thought but also the etymology and the syntax of the honorable "Professor" had to be revised. Above all, attention had to be paid to his excessive zeal: Lentsner resembled less a co-thinker than a sycophant.

In this period many impatient careerists and aspirants who had not yet found a place for themselves in the apparatus were still trying their luck here and there. Indulgence had to be shown for Lentsner's superficial knowledge, however, because the more capable workers were overwhelmed with work: at that time the Oppositionists had not yet been removed from their posts. Lentsner prepared the material for The Lessons of October for me, verified texts, collected quotations under my direction, etc.

When the anti-Trotskyist campaign, a long time in preparation, was launched and was formally connected with The Lessons of October, Lentsner began darting his eyes in every direction and within twenty-four hours he switched his position. To secure himself more safely, he used the material he had prepared in a diametrically contrary sense, that is to say, against "Trotskyism.

Nevertheless Zinoviev took him under his wing and wheedled him into the International. By the side of the Kuusinens and the Martynovs, Lentsner became one of the leaders of the daily work of the International. This Red Professor writes leading articles in the official review of the International. The few lines that I have read sufficed to convince me that Lentsner does not know to this day how to write two consecutive words correctly.

But apparently there is no one among the editors of The Communist International to look after not only the Marxism, but even the grammar of the writers.

These Lentsners are characteristic of the apparatus of the International. Lozovsky occupies a leading place in the Red International of Labor Unions and an influential one in the Communist International. If, in the beginning, under the old leadership of the party, his role was purely technical — and even in this capacity was held in serious doubt and regarded as temporary — it is no less true that in this last period Lozovsky has reached the very front ranks.

Lozovsky cannot be denied certain aptitudes, a quickness of wit and a certain flair. But all these faculties have an extremely fleeting and superficial character in his case. He began, I believe, as a Bolshevik but withdrew from the Bolsheviks for many years and became a conciliator. An internationalist during the war, he worked with me in Paris on Nashe SIovo[Our Word], where he always represented the extreme right-wing tendency. In the internal questions of the French labor movement, as in the questions of the International and of the Russian revolution, he inclined invariably to the right — toward pacifist centrism.

In , he was the only one of the Nashe Slovo group that did not join the Bolsheviks.

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der politische massenstreik german edition Manual

He was a fierce enemy of the October Revolution. He remained an enemy until ,1 believe, mobilizing a part of the railway workers and trade unionists in general against the party. He did rally to the October Revolution earlier than Martynov; but at any rate, it was not only after the revolution had been made but also after it had been defended against the most menacing dangers.

His knowledge of languages and of life in the Western countries carried him, in those years when the assignment of personnel was still very chaotic, to the Red International of Labor Unions.

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In the Political Bureau, when we found ourselves faced with this fact, we all — Lenin first of all — shook our heads; we consoled ourselves by saying that he would have to be replaced at the first opportunity. But the situation changed. Lenin fell ill and died. The changing of landmarks began, carefully prepared behind the scenes by the apparatus. Lozovsky floated to the surface. He found himself right in his element. Had he not polemicized against me during the war in defense of Longuetism and petty-bourgeois democracy in Russia? Had he not polemicized against the October Revolution, the Red terror, the civil war?

After a brief pause, he resumed the struggle against "Trotskyism. At the height of the Martynovist course, Lozovsky even stood on the left wing to a certain extent. But that is dangerous neither for Lozovsky nor for the International; for, despite all his apparent rashness, Lozovsky is perfectly aware of the limits beyond which leftism ceases to be encouraged.

As frequently happens, an impulsive spirit mingles in Lozovsky with a conservatism in ideas. In a stirring article he can call upon the workers of South Africa or the natives of the Philippine Islands to overthrow their bourgeoisie, and forget his own counsel an hour later. But in every serious instance where he is responsible for decisions that must be made, Lozovsky invariably makes for the right.

He is not a man of revolutionary action; he is an organic pacifist. The future will demonstrate this more than once. The question of the leadership of the young parties of the East, which have colossal tasks before them, forms the darkest page of the International after the death of Lenin.

It is enough to say that there a leading role is given to Raskolnikov. Contrary to those whom I have named before, he is incontestably a fighting revolutionary, a Bolshevik with something of a revolutionary past. But only the frightful devastation of the leading ranks could bring things to the point where Raskolnikov turns up as a leader of — Russian literature and the Asiatic revolutions. He is just as ill-suited for the one as for the other. His deeds were always better than his speeches and articles. He expresses himself before thinking. It is certainly not bad to have him on your side in a civil war.

But it is bad to have him on your side in an ideological conflict. When he returned from Afghanistan in , Raskolnikov was bursting with eagerness for battle on the side of the Opposition.